Challenges Caused by the Global Refugee Crisis

The refugee crisis is a global problem that nearly every state is
feeling and experiencing the effects of. This massive migration is one that
sovereign states, intergovernmental organizations, existing institutions, and
international laws and treaties are simply not equipped to handle. From a
global standpoint, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
deals with a vast majority of the current refugee and migrant crisis’ as they
ensure the 1951 Refugee Convention is honored and implemented by member states.
The 1951 Refugee Convention, formally titled The Convention Relating to the Status
of Refugees is a United Nations treaty. It was ratified by 146 member states
and formally defines who qualifies as a refugee, the rights forcibly displaced
individuals are entitled to, and the obligations of the state to protect these
individuals (UNHCR, 9). According to this treaty, a refugee is, “A person who owing to a well-founded fear of
being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a
particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his
nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself
of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being
outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such
events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it..”
(C.R.T.T.S.O.R., Art. 1). This treaty also ensures that states implement
non-refoulement, a core tenet of the treaty and international law stating that
refugees cannot be returned to a state in which their life or freedom is in
danger. The global refugee crisis is often times called the migrant crisis,
however, refugees and migrants are incredibly different groups of people with
respect to motives and international law protections. The two terms ‘refugee’
and ‘migrant’ cannot and should not be used interchangeably. This crisis is the
subject of many different prejudices as it challenges and possibly changes the
cultures, environments, and familiarity of many host states and peoples. The
global refugee crisis challenges much more than the financial and economic
bounds of the host state but also changes the face of state and international
politics as a humanitarian crisis.

According to the UNHCR, as of June
2017, there is 65.6 million displaced individuals, 22.5 million refugees, 10
million stateless people, and only 189,300 resettled refugees (UNHCR, 2017). As
stated above, the UNHCR recognizes two other categories of people other than
refugees, they are internally displaced persons (IDP) and stateless persons.
Internally displaced persons are people who have fled their homes and cities,
for the same reasons as refugees, but they remain within their state. IDPs are
not entitled to the same rights and protections as refugees as they are still
within their state of origin and are subjected to that governments laws.
Stateless persons are people who do not have a nationality so they are not
entitled to any rights or protections of a state and are often denied
education, healthcare, the right to work, and typically have no forms of
identification. A notable example of a group of stateless people are
Palestinians, as they are not recognized by Israel as citizens and Palestine is
not universally recognized as a state, leaving these people without a
nationality (UNHCR, 2017). As previously mentioned, ‘migrant’ and ‘refugee’
cannot be used interchangeably, since migrants make the choice to move and have
the ability to return to their native state. Many migrants are classified as
economic migrants because they migrate from their home state due to poverty,
famine, natural disasters, education, and/or for better jobs and opportunities.
Migrants are not entitled to any benefits or protections that refugees and
asylum seekers are entitled to as they are subjected to the regular immigration
process of the state they desire to immigrate to. These statistics give scope
to how immensely large and prevalent the refugee crisis is across the globe.
Many states cannot accommodate and provide adequate resources for the sheer
amount of individuals seeking asylum.

The European Union (EU) refugee crisis is a prominent international issue as many EU states cannot afford to provide asylum to the hundreds of thousands of individuals in need. The large majority of these individuals are from Syria, as the Syrian refugee crisis has become one of the most notable and problematic refugee crisis’ in recent years. The Syrian Civil War has left extreme political unrest and instability causing over 5.4 million to flee since 2011. However, the current status of the state and continuing war still leaves over 13.1 million people in need with 6.1 million displaced and 2.98 million people trapped in besieged towns (UNHCR, 2017). Given Syria’s proximity to Europe, this crisis has made international headlines as many Syrians have fled for asylum in Western Europe, attributing to the European refugee crisis. So far, Germany has provided asylum for 518,300 Syrian refugees this year, substantially the most in the EU. However, providing asylum comes at a huge cost placing an economic and political burden on the host state. The host state also can majorly compromise their internal security and safety measures depending on the motives of the refugees themselves, although corrupt motives are unlikely. These three components cumulatively contribute to the refugee crisis as many states do not have and cannot risk the resources required to intake the millions of people seeking asylum.

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The costs associated with resettling and
providing asylum for refugees is a staggering amount, especially in Germany’s
case. By 2020, Germany is predicted to spend over 90 billion euros directly
towards supporting the incoming refugees. The German Ministry of Finance
predicted that 26 billion euros would fund rent and unemployment checks, 6
billion euros would fund language courses, and 5 billion euros would help
refugees find jobs (Johnson, 2016). The sheer cost to house, settle, employ,
and educate refugees is astounding, especially given the struggle and financial
disparity some EU citizens face. This cost is the subject of many viewpoints
that support denying asylum seekers the right to resettle and is causing many
wealthier states, as determined by their GDP, to lower their refugee intake as
a cost-saving economic measure. This exact maneuver was demonstrated by the
United Kingdom with their vote to leave the European Union in order to secure
their boarders and not be subjected to the rules and mandates the EU has set
regarding refugees.

The economic burden, an inherently bias term,
in relation to the needs of refugees, is at the heart of neorealist
international relations theory, as each states best interest is their primary
concern. Although states, for example, the United Kingdom, recognize and value
the input of non-state actors, the United Nation in this case, their own
well-being and success in terms of military power, economic standing, and
conflict come first. As theorized by neorealist Kenneth Waltz, “That would be necessary because economic capabilities cannot be
separated from the other capabilities of states…States use economic means for
military and political ends; and military and political means for the
achievement of economic interests.” (Waltz, 39). In terms of economic cost,
states view themselves first and foremost despite the humanitarian compel and
compassion that non-state actors and other states advocate for. Interestingly,
none of the Great Powers have intervened into the global refugee crisis because
the economic cost would lessen their own abilities and the global refugee
crisis creates a security dilemma (Creamer, 2017). All of the Great Powers
benefit from the instability and struggle of other states which has in turn cause
states to take countermeasures that decrease their power and standing within
the international realm. The United States and the United Kingdom have both
taken notoriously staunch and strict standpoints regarding the Syrian refugee
crisis. States like Turkey, Jordan, Germany, and Lebanon bear the grunt of the
refugee crisis causing theses states to lose some economic, military, and
political power. From an economic standpoint, many states are acting in a neorealist
fashion that prioritizes their own well-being and security over the lives of
millions of refugees.

The global refugee crisis also challenges the
social, cultural, and religious norms of many states. A global rise in xenophobia,
especially from Western Euro-American states, has viewed the refugee crisis
from a standpoint founded in racist and imperialist narratives. This essay has
primarily focused on the Middle Eastern refugee crisis, however, it is
important to be noted that the global refugee crisis is also extremely
prevalent in South America (Lakhani, 2). Although racist and imperialist narratives
have been employed throughout Western history, specifically when looking at the
colonialization of Africa and the Middle East, a new rise in these narratives
and xenophobia can be attributed to the Global War on Terror (WoT). After the
9/11 Attacks in New York City, United States President George W. Bush declared
a war on ‘terror’ saying, “Our enemy is a radical
network of terrorists and every government that supports them.” (Bush, 2001).
This war was initiated by the United States but highly involved France, the
United Kingdom, Russia, and NATO participants against the terrorist regimes
al-Qaeda, Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS/ISIL) and the Taliban. Many
Western states rationalized and justified their actions during the WoT by
publicizing information and narratives, that were often based on exacerbated or
false claims, that assimilated Islam and Muslims with radical terror groups.
The use of fearmongering attributed to an extreme rise in Islamophobia and
xenophobia because many Westerners view Islam as a religion that employs,
justifies, and encourages the actions of these gruesome terrorist groups.

The growth of Islamophobia has also been a central tenet to
the common idea that Christians, especially white Christians, are the main
enemy and opponent of these terror groups. This belief can be based on some of
the terrorist attacks in Western Europe and America, however, this belief ignores
the Arabic, often Muslim victims of these terrorist groups that far outnumber
the white victims. In fact, many of these victims are refugees that are seeking
asylum from the same groups and fears many Western states fear themselves.
However, it’s these states that are using their xenophobia and Islamophobia to
deny victims and now refugees, asylum (Shakdam, 2016). The Syrian Civil War has
allowed for ISIS to besiege, control, and destroy numerous towns that has led
to the murder and exodus of millions of Syrian refugees. The election of United
States President Donald Trump signified just how far xenophobia permeated the
American public and government. During his campaign and still into his
presidency, Trump advocated for a “complete shutdown of Muslims entering the
United States” and inferred that Christians are the main objects of Muslim persecutions
and terror attacks (Deardean, 2017). These claims are easily dismissed by US
National Counter-Terrorism Center research that concluded, “Muslims have
suffered 82-97% of terrorism-related fatalities in the past 5 years.”
(Deardean, 2017). False rhetoric like this has associated refugees with a false
security risk that has been used to justify legislation that has diminished
their abilities to seek asylum because many refugees are Muslim people of
color. According to UN Refugee chief Filippo Grandi, “The right to asylum is
being undermined by xenophobia as well as nationalistic and political rhetoric
intent on linking refugees with security concerns and terrorism” (Schlein,
2016).

The mischaracterization of millions of refugees from Islamophobic
and racist narratives is a product of constructivism. The international
relations theory of constructivism theorizes that states interests are formed
by social identities, interactions, and that relations within the international
realm of politics is based on actors’ beliefs, perceptions, and interpretations
of others’ behaviors (Creamer, 2017). According to Constructivist Alexander
Wendt, “the meanings in terms of which action is organized arise out of
interaction” (Wendt, 403). From the beginning of the US initiated WoT and the
rise in Islamophobia, United States allies have adopted the same beliefs and
narratives that view refugees as a major terrorism security threat. This Islamophobic
view also stems from a place of xenophobia as many Muslim people are viewed and
treated as ‘other’ in these primarily Christian and white states. As previously
mentioned regarding Germany’s refugee budget, notable opposition gained
traction in Germany with the government funding language courses for refugees,
in attempts to help them adapt to their new country. This opposition is rooted
in xenophobic ideals that view foreigners as less-worthy because they cannot
speak the language. This same narrative is represented in the United States,
regarding refugees that cannot speak English, as laws have gone into place that
blocked the funding of language programs (Shakdam, 2016). These ideologies,
prejudices, and narratives are all products of constructivism where societal
ideals, perceptions, and beliefs have translated into actions on behalf of
numerous states that mischaracterize refugees as security risks.

The global refugee crisis has become a stuck pervading global issue because one solution that all states can agree and then put into action, has not been found. Of course, the issue is not as simple as finding a single solution because there is not a single cause or problem to this crisis. The simple answer would be eliminating all forms of conflict, but that day has never been seen and is improbable. The economic and financial cost of the refugee crisis is astounding and unaffordable for many states leaving refugees and states in limbo. Also, the perceived security and internal threat risk of granting asylum to refugees is another issue that plagues this crisis. For these numerous reasons and facets to the global refugee crisis, finding a global solution to this problem is an extremely complex endeavor given the sheer size and depth of this humanitarian crisis.

Although finding a single
solution may be next-to-impossible, there are numerous opportunities for
changes to be made regarding the treatment, housing, protections, and costs
associated with helping refugees. A rudimentary change needed is that all
refugees, from a policy and political standpoint, are viewed as a burden which
limits their autonomy. This change in principle is a key component to improving
the refugee crisis, according to renowned University of Oxford Professor of Forced Migration and
International Affairs and UNHCR consultant Alexander Betts. Because refugees
are viewed as a burden, their worth is seen in terms of beginning economic cost
and their religious and cultural affiliations. This is partially why so many
refugees live in refugee camps for an average of 5+ years instead of resettling
elsewhere (UNHCR, 2017). Refugee camps, are great in theory because they
provide immediate shelter and basic necessities, however, they’re often located
in desolate locations that limit refugees access to education and employment.
As a whole, refugees often are not given the right to work or freedom of
movement; both of which greatly limit an individual’s autonomy and eventually
their success. A solution theorized by Betts in Refuge: Transforming a Broken Refugee System, calls for states to
allow refugees the right to work and the freedom of movement (Betts, 5). Betts
cites Uganda as an example, because Uganda allows refugees the right to work
and the freedom of movement which has stimulated and improved the economy. In
Uganda, 99% of refugees are successfully employed and not reliant on government
stipends. More impressively, of the refugees that own their own business, 40%
of their employees are Ugandans (Betts, 41-42). These statistics show that
refugees have the potential to stimulate the economy and benefit society when
they are allowed to work and provide for themselves instead of becoming
dependent on government stipends. If this small change in principle of viewing
refugees as assets not burdens, was replicated throughout more nations the capabilities,
desires, and success of refugees could be greatly improved. The same way in
which constructivism explains the spread of Islamophobia and xenophobia across
potential host states, can explain a way in which a positive light can be shed
onto refugees throughout the international sphere.

Governmental systems and states function
in a very selfish and ridged manner, adhering to the beliefs and ideologies
they deem true in order to ensure their success, just as realism theorizes.
However, states are composed of much more than just theories and laws as the
true heart of a state is the people; humans. International relation theories do
not expand to encompass the nature of humanity and the common bond people have
regardless of nationality, gender, religion, socioeconomic status, etc. Governments
and states are not businesses where the goal is sheer profit because the goal
of the state is to provide for its people and cost is not always the winning
factor. The unlabeled and often invisible tenet to solving the global refugee
crisis is humanity. It was on this tenet that the 146 states ratified the 1951
Refugee Convention because these states realized together that they have a
shared responsibility to provide for other humans, especially the oppressed, in
times of need because every life is actually of value. Refugees are people who
have been put in absolutely treacherous and desperate situations who deserve
compassion and kindness from states and people much more fortunate. Warsan
Shire, a Somali refugee who resettled in England wrote, “no one puts their
children in a boat unless the water is safer than the land.” (Evans, 4). This
quote speaks volumes of the desperation that refugees have gone through to only
be denied asylum as they are a ‘burden’.

Bibliography

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